An Intimate History of Bengal

BOOK XVII

 || Kachar vethar achin pakhi kemne ase jai  

    Dharte parle monoberi ditam pakhir pai ||

-          Traditional Baul song

It has been my experience that each book of AIHB corpus, as if waits for a trigger to see itself released in the Web. The Last Book, Book-XVI focused on the relevance of Tagore in the globalized Bengal. It is an evident fact that Tagore quite liberally drank from the fountain of Vaishnav poetic and lyrical tradition which goswamis[1] created. It has been a great wish for me to dedicate a book on this religious tradition of Bengal whose overall effect of course was not limited to the domain of religion alone. Human mind‘s characteristics of diffusion and diffraction provide a living example in this particular case also. In a world of identity-conflict, there is an issue of contemporary interest in studying the situation that has happened in this land in terms of debating religious traditions.

The second trigger is more of external in nature. While I was in London, I happened to read an article by William Dalrymple on the Bauls of Bengal. I had requested him to provide permission to reproduce it in the AIHB corpus, which he so kindly did. However, the plan remained un-executed and other concerns and other books superseded the present book. Quite recently, I read in our media that one of his Books and added comment has created quite a debate among Indian historians.Mr. Dalrymple has been alleged to claim that a considerable historical material of the Mutiny of 1857 has remained locked-up in Indian archives and he has been the first to use them. He has also hinted Indian historians of being lazy. Dr. Irfan Habib, a renowned historian has advised us to take this criticism in a positive manner after citing evidence of many works on the same theme by other historians of India. Dr. Habib has also argued that there are handful of people available today who can read those scripts in Persian and Urdu  correctly, contextually as the script is no longer in usage and extant in a sense. [2] So closes the argument between two scholars - quite clear, sanitized and objectively distant. But the argument did not get closed. This article was sent to Mr. Dalrymple and he has sent me an email informing of a letter he sent to the The Outlook after Dr. Habib’s article was published. This reply is being put below in the Appendix – I after this BOOK.

However, Mr. Dalrymple has opened up a debate of a more profound nature on the methodology of writing history itself. In this way, he finds himself in the same boat as AJP Taylor in history and Dr. Sagan in Science. I can argue with good reason that such personalities are available in all scholarly and non-scholarly domain. The common theme that connects their view and sharp criticism from their colleagues is the fact that they ‘deciphered‘ and ‘simplified‘ their subject so as to bring to such a shape which is essentially and necessarily attractive to people. These people also used the contemporary media to reach an audience, much wider than the experts, students and that circuit where there are obligations involved. Attraction is their key weapon for penetration among a wider audience. Hence, a part of their critics charged them in diluting the rigour of the subject through oversimplification and another set of critics, in a harsher tone admonished them of falsification at the altar of mass appeal.

Concentrating on the centre of this highly charged debate, especially in Indian context, AIHB in spite of its obscurity and lack of reach in relative terms poses the problem of its place in historical works. Following from that, we may venture to ask whether the contributors of this project can be called historians of Bengal, nominally and actually. My personal opinion is: yes while we take a very broad view of what we consider as history. Moreover, I find the methodology of Mr. Dalrymple quite interesting and attractive. However, being a lifelong student of the processes working in India, I ought to put on record that in Bengal, there is always the danger from chandimantap[3] culture. Unless we have proper checks, many clever (but not intelligent) and articulate careerists would start flooding the market with the story of padi-pisi;s recipe of kumro-chakka  as our history and there will be a brisk buying as well. The amount of scholarship, research and hardship required in balancing an attractive narrative history on the dual hinges of fact and design will be wanting and the fatal gravitation of chandimantap culturists would cause untold havoc. We have seen that few years back in the revised history-text books of India, colorfully and insightfully discussed by Dr. Amartya Sen in his The Argumentative Indian,

 

Narrative History: Inside the mind of the Indian Historians 

            I have argued in previous books that in general, majority of Indian historians lack literary qualities in their historical works. I have been witness to it as a student myself and later as I ventured to read many classic works in English by professional historians of India as a curious reader, I was repelled by the sheer dryness of the writing in most of them.  Many of those historians who could not accept this lacking started a dubious argument where they argued with a convincing argument that what they are after is fact, truth, objective analysis and such highly loaded words of respect. It reminds me of a line from Samuel Butler who said that while he finds that some books seems to be written not for men but for some sentiment beings. As regards to the essence of fact, there is no unanimous agreement, either in courthouse or among historians. For Ranke, as AJP Taylor informed us, this is a fact because this is written on a piece of paper. This devotion made him scan all archives of Europe and Ranke remains one of the greatest of historians.

            There is another more pervasive facet of Indian mind and very few historians have any conscious awareness of it.  Before I explain this facet, I need to provide a classification on the Line of Thinking of a scholar‘s mind, irrespective of its quality of output. There are two types of scholars for any subject. The first type is like gas which is found after huge hardships, boring, drilling under mother earth‘s interior. The second type does all this, alright but knows how to make light out of it - gaslight. A Bengali writer of high competence in French language and literature gave this simile while comparing German and French scholarship.[4] I believe that most of Indian historians writing on Indian history approach the subject with the attitude of a workman‘s habit of mind rather than an aristocratic habit of mind. Their prose reflects that.  Moreover, since most of them are paid teachers, i.e. having a professorship or sorts, they have to justify their salaries and cannot experiment with any new methodology. In course of time, the system drags them into its chasm and they have only one response to any new methodological experiments: conditioned denial of any merit whatsoever of any novel methodology. The polite among them give a patronizing ugly oily smile which is worse than a venomous attack. I have personal experience on that count while I tried to put my arguments to some of those professional historians about the methodological philosophy of AIHB. Interested reader can see this declaration at AIHB Preface[5] itself.

            The more I see India‘s success in Outsourcing business and some commentators proclaiming too loudly that we are perhaps genetically advantaged to be successful in an outsourced-paradigm world. This is not sense speaking but the warmth of easy money coming from Call Centres and similar ventures. For sometime, I have been in communication with a friend of mine who has been studying MBA in one of the leading Indian institutes imparting that education. He observes that in the institute, students are overloaded with so many things to read and absorb (and of course all coming from West, led by the Harvard Business Review) that this is a genetic miracle how we have few Indians who have some originality left.  Almost entire energy is spent in tackling these formidable array of subjects that finally little bit of critical attitude is left. In addition, there is that ceaseless drive to prepare as to how to earn more money. It is a sad fact and sadly enough, management education, including at the highest level of India is a glorified way of simple and sordid money-making. I have the experience of same education in a British University[6] and I could feel certain difference in the approach itself. In Indian institutions, a student has to prove himself constantly as the environment is hyper-competitive within a framework which is designed as a filter not as a sponge. I was offered to do a PhD by the same institution and comparing my experience in my previous institution, I detected a strange difference. In England, a PhD student is considered almost a peer, a co-worker but in the interview in that hallowed institution of India, I could detect a snobbish attitude for which Oxford Dons may not be very accustomed. Surprisingly, I have heard very few critical comments from the alumni of these institutions in public although in private they venture to be critical. I attribute this behaviour to two factors, first: the shared security of a herd and secondly – Indian secretiveness combined with confusion between being critical and being disrespectful. As long as we don’t have a Gibbon who coming out of Cambridge and telling that he owes nothing to his alma mater, I don’t see much original and path-breaking contribution coming from these institutes.  Outsourcing is fine but as long as there will remain a living tradition in West, they would outsource everything but that attitude to life and reality. Conversely, we would prepare ourselves for all and every outsourcing but missing that attitude. The situation is grim now as the greed of money making will overtake all.

            Making a long digression complete, I would put forth my argument in this form: It is quite difficult for general Indian scholars to write powerfully, passionately history of our country. Even those who have the necessary abilities would have already gotten into the train of diggers rather than lighters. Being brought up in an environment distinguished for its respect for ‘tradition‘, time, they are surely to find themselves surrounded by the Scylla and Charybdis of Indian history: highly complex and compartmentalized search or painfully simplistic view of championing national glory. AIHB belongs to neither of these schools.

       Here is Mr. Dalrymple speaking direct on a theme very dear to my heart – the Bauls of Bengal. I have driven across the river Ajay many a times while going to Shantiniketan from Calcutta. I could always sense something palpable there, as if some effusive and forgotten past of mine. The landscape itself has something to say about it.

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The song of the holy fools[7]

William Darlymple
           

When he was six months old, Kanai Das Baul caught smallpox and went blind. His parents - simple day labourers - despaired as to how their son would make a living. Then, one day, when Kanai was 10, a passing Baul, one of Bengal's wandering Tantric minstrels, heard him singing as he took a bath amid the water hyacinths of the village pond. (The pond is to village Bengal what the green is to rural England: the centre of village life - as well as swimming pool, duck pond and communal launderette.) His voice was high, sad and elegiac, and the Baul asked Kenai's parents if they would consider letting him join him as a pupil. In due course, Kanai set off along the road, learning the songs and the ways of his guru, and becoming in time one of the Bauls' most celebrated singers.

 

After the death of his guru, Kanai took up residence in the cremation ground of Tarapith, where at midnight - so the Bengalis believe - the fearsome Tantric goddess Tara can be seen drinking the blood of the goats slaughtered day after day in an effort to propitiate her anger. There, Kanai met a Delhi-based writer on religion, Bhaskar Bhattacharya. "The cremation ground at Tarapith is like an open-air lunatic asylum," Bhaskar told me. "It is full of people from across India who in different ways have been unhinged by their asceticism. In the west, they would probably be locked up, but here they are free to roam around and are revered as Holy Fools. At the time, I had myself been having a difficult time, and recognised in Kanai and his Bauls something I was looking for, a kind of mystical anarchy. I moved in near him and we became close friends - I was his eyes and he was my voice. He taught me everything I know: to reject the outer garb of religion, to go deep into the heart and to find God within oneself."

On the feast of Makar Sakrant, around the middle of January, an incredible gathering takes place on the banks of the river Ajoy in west Bengal. Several hundred thousand saffron-clad Bauls - mystics and holy men (the word "Baul" in Bengali means simply "mad" or "possessed") - gather at Kenduli in the flat, green flood plains near the poet Rabindranath Tagore's old home of Shanti Niketan. There, they wander the huge campsite, singing and dancing in praise of both Krishna and the bloodthirsty goddess Kali.

As you approach the festival through the low-level wetlands, past the bullocks ploughing the rich mud of the rice paddies and the low, reed-thatched Bengali cottages surrounded by clumps of young, green bamboo, the stream of pilgrims thickens along the roadsides. Bengali villagers herding their goats and ducks along the high, raised embankments give way to lines of lean, dark, wiry men with matted hair and straggling beards. Some travel in groups of two or three, others alone, carrying hand drums or an ektara, the Bauls' simple, single-stringed instrument.

Throughout their 500-year history, the Bauls have refused to conform to the social or religious conventions of conservative and caste-conscious Bengali society. Subversive and seductive, they have preserved a series of esoteric spiritual teachings on the use of breath, Tantric sex and mystical devotion. They believe that God is found not in the afterlife, but in the present moment, in the body of the man or woman who seeks the Truth: all that is required is adherence to the path of Love. Mixing elements of Sufism, Tantra, Vaishnavism and Buddhism, they revere the Gods and visit temples, mosques and wayside shrines, but only as a road to enlightenment, never as an end in itself. The goal is to discover the "Man of the Heart" - Moner Manush - the ideal that lives within every man, but that may take a lifetime to discover.

As such, some - though not all - Bauls come close to a form of atheism, denying the existence of any transcendent divinity, or the usefulness of rituals and idols, seeking instead the ultimate truth in the physical world, in every human heart. Man is the final measure for the Bauls. Moreover, they defy distinctions of caste and religion: Bauls can be from any background, and they straddle the frontiers of Hinduism and Islam. The music, lyrics and dance of "God's troubadours" (as they are called in Calcutta) reflect their passion, humanism, iconoclasm and especially their love of the open road:

The Mirror of the sky,
reflects my soul.
O Baul of the road,
O Baul, my heart,
What keeps you tied,
to the corner of the room?

Today, the Bauls play an important role as the bridge between Islam and Hinduism, and they perform as much in Sufi shrines as Hindu temples. Usually poor and from rural villages, these illiterate dancing monks are nevertheless important guardians of moderate, pluralistic Hinduism against the narrow Muslim-hatred propagated by the resurgent Hindu right wing.

Travelling from village to village, owning nothing but a patchwork quilt, they sit in teashops and under roadside banyan trees, in the compartments of trains and at village bus stops, singing their ballads about love, mysticism and universal brotherhood to gatherings of ordinary Bengali farmers and villagers. They break the rhythm of ordinary rural life, inviting intimacies and wooing their audience with poetry and song, rather than hectoring them with sermons or speeches. They sing of desire and devotion, of the individual as the crazed Lover and the divine as the unattainable Beloved. Mourning man's separation from the divine, they remind their listeners of the transitory nature of this life, and encourage them to renounce the divisions and hatreds of the world. Inner knowledge, they teach, is acquired through power not over others, but over the self.

Once a year, however, the Bauls leave their wanderings and converge on Kenduli for the biggest gathering of singers and Tantrics in India: sort of Woodstock or Womad meets the Exorcist. Last year, I flew to Calcutta and took a train north to Shanti Niketan, determined to see this gathering for myself.

But first I had to find Kanai.

Bhaskar had arrived at the Kenduli Mela a few days ahead of me, and had found that Kanai had already joined up with an itinerant group of Bauls. They were staying in a small house off the main bazaar; to get there, you had to pick your way through the usual melee of Indian religious festivals - street children selling balloons and marigold garlands, a contortionist, a holy man begging for alms, a group of argumentative naked sadhus, a hissing Snake goddess and her attendants, lines of bullock carts loaded up with clay images of the goddess Durga and a man selling pink candyfloss. All along the main drag of the encampment, tented temples had been erected, full of brightly-lit idols, with constellations of clay lamps and camphor flames winking in the dust of the warm, encompassing Bengali darkness.

By the time I found the house - a simple, unfurnished Bengali cottage - the Bauls were in full song. It was like a scene from a Mughal miniature. The Bauls were sitting in a circle around the fire, cross-legged in the straw on the floor, breaking their singing only to pass a chillum of bhang from one to the other.

There were six of them. Kanai himself, a thin, delicate and self-possessed man in his 50s, with straggling, grey beard and a pair of small cymbals in his hand. Beside him sat an older Baul, Hari Goshai, hung with the beads of a rudraksha rosary, singing with a khomok drum in one hand and an ektara in the other. His grey hair was gathered into a topknot, a string of copper bells, which he rang as he sang, attached to the big toe of his right foot. Facing these two was the celebrated Baul Paban Das Baul, who was surrounded by his wife Mimlu and his two younger sisters. Paban was a handsome, hyperactive figure in his late 40s, with full lips, a shock of wiry, pepper-and-salt hair. He was playing a small dotara and dominating the group as much by the manic energy of his performance as by his singing: "Never plunge into the river of lust," he sang, "for you will not reach the shores. It is a river of no coasts where typhoons rage."

Kanai and Paban were old friends, and as the music gathered momentum they passed verses and songs back and forwards between them, so that when one asked a philosophical question, the other would answer it, a sort of musical symposium, or a dialogue in song. Paban would sing a verse about his wish to visit Krishna's home ("The peacock cries - Oh, who will show me the way to Vrindavan? He raises his tail and cries: Krishna! Krishna!"), only for Kanai to answer with a verse reminding Paban that the only proper place of pilgrimage was the human heart: "Oh my deaf ears and blind eyes! How will I ever rid myself of this urge to find you except in my own soul? If you want to go to Vrindavan, look first in your heart."

Their voices were perfectly complementary: Paban's deep and smoky, alternately urgent and sensuous; Kanai's softer, more vulnerable and tender. His singing was surprisingly high-pitched - at times almost falsetto - with a fine, reed-like clarity. While Paban sang, he banged on a khomok drum or a dubki, a small rustic tambourine; Kanai sang with his sightless blue eyes fixed ecstatically upwards, as if gazing at the heavens. Paban would occasionally tickle his chin and tease him: "Don't give me that wicked smile, Kanai."

The songs all drew on the world of the Bengali village, and contained parables that any villager could understand: the body, sang Paban, is like a pot of clay; the human soul the water of love. Inner knowledge fires the pot and bakes the clay, for an unfired pot cannot contain water. Other songs were sprinkled with readily comprehensible images of boats and nets, rice fields, fish ponds and the village shop:

Cut the rice stalks,
O rice-growing brother.
Cut them in a bunch
Before they begin to smell
Rotten like your body
Without a living heart.
Sell your good, my store-keeping brother,
While the market is brisk,
When the sun fades
And your customers depart,
Your store is a lonely place

Later, towards midnight, Paban, Bhaskar and the other Bauls went out to hear a rival Baul singer perform in the Kenduli marketplace, leaving Kanai on his own, sitting cross-legged on the rug, singing softly to himself. I sat beside him and we chatted late into the night about his childhood.

"Initially, I joined the Bauls because it seemed the only way I could make a livelihood," he said. "A blind man cannot be a farmer, but he can be a singer. My guru soon taught me that there are much more important things than getting by, or making money, or material pleasures. I am still very poor but, thanks to the lessons of my guru, my soul is rich. He taught me to seek God and inspire our people to seek God, too."

"Is it a good life?" I asked.

"It is the best life," he replied without hesitation. "The entire world is my home. We walk anywhere and are welcome anywhere. When you walk, you are freed from the worries of ordinary life, from the imprisonment of being rooted in the same place."

"But don't you miss your home? Don't you tire of the road?"

"When you first become a Baul, you have to leave your family, and for 12 years you must wander in strange countries where you have no relatives," said Kanai. "There is a saying, 'No Baul should live under the same tree for more than three days.' At first, you feel alone, disorientated. But people are always pleased to see the Bauls - when the villagers see our coloured robes, they shout, 'Look, the madmen are coming! Now we can take the day off and have some fun!' Wherever we go, the people stop what they are doing and come and listen to us. They bring fish from the fish ponds and cook some rice and dal for us, and while they do that we sing and teach them. We try to give back some of the love we receive, to reconcile people, and to offer them peace and solace. We try to help them with their difficulties and to show them the path to ecstasy."

 

"How do you do that?" I asked.

"By our songs," he said. "For us Bauls, our songs are a source of both love and knowledge. We tease the rich and the arrogant, and make digs at the hypocrisy of the Brahmins. We sing against caste and against injustice. We tell the people that God is not in the temple or in the Himalayas, nor in the skies, on the earth or in the air. Nowhere else can God be found but in the heart of the seeker of truth. If God resides in the heart, why go to the mosque or the temple? To me, a temple or a shrine has little value - it is just a way for the priests to make money and mislead people. The body is the true temple, the true mosque, the true church."

"In what way?"

"We believe that the way to God lies not in rituals but in living a simple life, walking the country on foot and doing what your guru says. The joy of walking on foot on unknown roads brings you closer to God. You learn to recognise that the divine is everywhere - in plants and animals and the rocks. You learn also that music and dance is a way of meeting God. God is the purest form of joy - complete joy."

Kanai shook his long grey locks. "There is no jealousy in this life," he added. "No Brahmin or Sudra, no Hindu or Muslim. Wherever I am, that is my home."

For five days, I followed Paban and Kanai around. All over the huge campsite, at all hours of the day and night, groups of musicians were breaking into song. Sometimes, this was part of a formal concert - the Bengali government had put up a small stage in honour of Kenduli's celebrated poet, Joydev, the 12th-century author of the great poem on the loves of Krishna, the Gita Govinda, and each night different Baul groups competed to sing their versions of the poem. But usually the music was spontaneous, as groups of Bauls began jamming around a campfire and were soon joined by old friends not seen since the last festival, or others who happened to turn up.

The Bauls were always happy to talk about their songs and their beliefs, but I soon discovered that there is a side to them about which they are much more cagey. For though they do not discuss it in public, there is an entire body of esoteric wisdom that the Bauls practise, and which they have preserved from the late medieval period, when Buddhist Tantra was the dominant faith in Bengal. At the heart of this lies a body of Tantric sexual wisdom that each guru teaches to his pupils when they are ready.

At the root of Tantra - as at the heart of the Bauls' faith - lies the idea of reaching God through opposing convention. Whereas caste Hindus believe that purity and good living are safeguarded by avoiding meat and alcoholic drink, by keeping away from unclean places such as cremation grounds and by avoiding polluting substances such as bodily fluids, Tantrics and Bauls believe that one path to salvation lies in inverting these strictures.

In this, they take their lead from Tara and the other great Tantric goddesses: dark-skinned, untameable divinities, attended by jackals, furies and ghosts; goddesses who cut off their own heads, who are offered blood sacrifices by their devotees, and who prefer to have sex with corpses, straddling them on a burning cremation pyre. Such goddesses - embodying all that would normally be considered outrageous or even repulsive - are antimodels, challenging comforting ideas about how the world should be ordered, and violating approved social values. "Going up the down-current," as one Baul put it to me.

The folk Tantric practices of the Bauls (called sadhana) are closely guarded secrets, but they embrace elaborate, ritualised sex - sometimes with menstruating women, and occasionally combined with the ingestion of a drink compounded of semen, blood and bodily fluids - so making as firm a statement as possible about flouting established norms and taboos.

Kanai talked briefly to me about the Bauls' sexual yoga, explaining it as a way of awakening latent energies from the base of your body and bringing them to the fore. According to Bhaskar, who has researched the customs of the Bauls as deeply as anyone, they use the sexual urge - the most powerful emotional force in the human body - as a way of reaching the divine: "They use it as a sort of booster rocket," he said. "Just as a rocket uses huge amounts of energy to blast out of the field of gravity, so the Bauls use their Tantric sexual yoga as a powerhouse to drive the mind out of the gravity of everyday life, to make sex not so much enjoyable as something approaching a divine experience. Yet the sex is useless if it is not performed with love, and even then sex is just the beginning of a long journey. It's how you learn to use it, how you learn to control it and channel it, that is the real art."

For the Bauls, such sexual exotica are part of a wider set of yogic practices that aim to make the body supple and coordinated with itself, using the mastery of breathing, meditation and exercises as a way of taming energies and drives. "For the Bauls, the body is the chariot that can take you up into the sky, towards the sun,"as Bhaskar put it.

All this, however, is no more important in the daily lives of Bauls than the ordinary business of living simply and passing on the wisdom of the Baul gurus through song and dance. This was brought home to me very clearly on the last day of the Kenduli festival, when I went for a walk through the Baul encampment as the festival-goers were beginning to strike their tents and head off back on the road. Everywhere, canvas awnings were folded up and loaded on to bullock carts. Only two old people seemed to be sitting still. Near the Kenduli cremation ground, I came across a Baul couple I had met previously with Paban and Kanai. Both were sitting cross-legged on the projecting ledge of a small roadside temple. Subhol Kapa and his wife Lalita were old, but they were still singing the Baul songs to anyone who stopped to listen to them.

"I am 83," said Subhol, "and Lalita is 70. Our age prevents us walking the roads like we used to do. But we can still dance and sing, and listen to the other Bauls. Lalita is a brilliant singer - much better than I. These days, I am so sick, but when I sing or listen to Lalita, it makes me forget my illness."

"It's true," said Lalita. "When I sing, I forget everything else. Often I don't sing for anyone, just for myself, for my soul. I could not live without this life. I need to dance and to sing. I feel ecstatic when I sing. It is enough for me. I need nothing else."

"Song helps you transcend the material life," said Subhol. "It takes you to a different spiritual level."

"When a Baul starts to sing, he gets so carried away he starts dancing," said Lalita. "The happiness and joy that comes with the music helps you find God inside yourself."

"The songs of the Bauls are my companions in my old age," said Subhol. "We sing together, or with other Bauls like Paban and Kanai if they come here. But when I am alone, I take up my dubki and sing to myself to keep myself company."

"Did you both used to wander the roads together?" I asked.

"We used to be ordinary householders," said Lalita. "Only after I had finished rearing my four sons did we become Bauls together - some 25 to 30 years back."

"Even before then, we used to sing," said Subhol, "but after we became Bauls, we were welcomed everywhere with love and warmth and respect. It has made our life complete."

"For 18 years we walked the roads of this country," said Lalita, "until we were too old to walk any more. This temple was my guru's ashram. Now we cannot wander, we live here following the Baul way, protecting our body and keeping our hearts alive."

"But I thought Bauls didn't believe in temples?"

"This temple is just to attract people," said Subhol. "For me, it is just a building - it has nothing to do with God. But people come here and tell us about their problems, and we can give them solutions."

"God resides in everything," said Lalita. "In plants, in animals. You have to learn to recognise God everywhere. Only then can you become a true searcher. We have a song about this. You would like to hear it?"

"Very much," I said.

They went into a room to one side of the shrine and returned a few minutes later, Lalita with a harmonium and Subhol an ektara. Lalita squatted in front of the harmonium and Subhol plucked a few notes on the ektara, then began to sing. Before long, he was rocking backwards and forwards, hopping from one leg to the other, totally carried away by the beauty of the music he was singing. When they had finished, they sat together, looking out in silence over the river. It was getting late, and the sun was setting over the Ajoy - the time Bengalis call go dhuli bhela, or cow dust time.

"When I hear this music," said Lalita, breaking the silence after a few minutes, "I don't care if I die tomorrow. It makes everything in life seem sweet."

"It's true," said Subhol. "Thanks to this music, we live out our old age in peace. It makes us so happy, we don't remember what sadness is."

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A Personal Postscript:

 

            The Bauls, if present during the Middle Age in Europe would have been surely burnt at the stake as heretics. When Akbar was talking about a dialogue between different religious schools, Giordino Bruno was burnt at the stake. The word Baul is derived from Sanskrit batul which can mean a fool, incoherence or retarded, depending on context. I think some of the gifted and creative hackers of today can be compared with the spirit which Bauls represent. Their core thesis on human reality draws heavily from Buddhist tradition of agnosticism, the Sufi tradition of respect for the body and its desires, the Tantric celebration of sex and highest sensations of the body and Vaishnav tradition of music, poetry and dance - sankirtan. 

 

            The dance of Baul is no ordinary dance. An ordinary dancer dances in space and in local time. A Baul dances in space as well as in time. For a Baul, his body, this body of flesh, bone, marrow, blood, pus, semen, and menses is a miniature universe. So when this universe gets into motion, there are infinite circles of energy circulating like a spiral. He does not specialize in music, his very movement becomes music.

 

            I always wonder why Baul tradition has grown in Bengal for so long in time and survived all vicissitudes of history.

 

Appendix –I (Email dated 3rd December 2006)

 

"As a huge admirer of Professor Habib’s work- which is cited frequently throughout the Last Mughal- I am profoundly flattered that India’s greatest Mughal scholar has seen fit to comment so thoughtfully and at such length on my book. I am however a little surprised that a man famous for his scrupulous use of primary sources has done so without first looking at the text in question. Had he read even the introduction, he would have found that I have not said, written or implied, any of the following statements which he seems to attribute to me.

 

1. That Indian historians are either lazy or lethargic.

2. That I am the first person to write the history of 1857 from Urdu and Persian sources.

3. That the Mutiny Papers in the National Archives are uncatalogued.

4. That I discovered the collection.

5. That to use British sources is a sin to be avoided.

6. That I compare Muslim sepoys to jihadis.

 

What I have said is that I am a little surprised that a collection as astonishingly rich and as beautifully catalogued as the Mutiny Papers, and one located so centrally in the National Archives of the capital city, within sight of Rashtrapati Bhavan, have been so little consulted. After all, the contents- some 20,000 Urdu and Persian documents- describe in fabulous detail what happened in Delhi- the destination of around 100,000 of the total 139,000 rebel sepoys. It is a collection which uniquely preserves the actions and thoughts of the courtiers, the soldiers of the different sepoy regiments, and both the elite and the ordinary people of Delhi throughout the largest upheaval to rock Hindustan in the course of the entire nineteenth century.

 

As I acknowledge in the book, several specialist papers and a full length biography of Zafar in Urdu, have previously been written from the contents of the collection. But of the documents studied by myself and my colleague Mahmood Farooqui over four years of intensive research, fully 75% had never before been requisioned, as was clear both from the absence of any previous stamps or requisition details on the files in question (the archives list on each file the dates and names of everyone who calls them up), and from the comments of the archivists. As the staff of the archives confirmed to me this weekend, over the last two decades several scholars have found the catalogue (which was printed in 1921 and is available in libraries worldwide- my own copy was borrowed from the London Library in St James Square, so is surely also available in that of Prof Habib’s AMU) and called up some of the papers, but most have given up after seeing the difficulty of the shikastah in which the documents are written. For cracking this, I have the skills and amazing perseverance of Mahmood to thank.

 

As for Professor Habib’s charge that I make an unfortunate assumption that the Muslim sepoys were precursors to the jihadis of today, this is also quite incorrect. The precursors of the jihadis of today were the self-described jihadis of 1857, who were quite separate from the sepoys, and who gathered in some numbers in Delhi from centres such as Tonk, Patna and Gwalior . These ordinary Muslim civilians whose own petitions to Zafar in the Mutiny Papers describe themselves as jihadis, mujahedin and ghazis, had taken up arms to fight for their faith against the aggressive intrusions of the Christian West, whose representatives they invariably describe using religious language as kafir (infidels) and nasrani (Christians) rather than in more secular terms as Angrez, Firangis or goras.

 

As I describe at some length in my book, during the Id of 1857, these jihadis seriously threatened the intercommunal harmony successfully maintained by both the court and the sepoys, when they announced they wished to slaughter a cow on the steps of the Jama Masjid, something Zafar eventually dissuaded them from doing.  Indeed it is the way Zafar continually fights for Hindu-Muslim unity in the face of the extremists, and his insistence on holding the jihadi spirit at bay,  that forms the basis of my admiration both for him and the composite culture he represents.

 

Moreover it is explicit in the Mutiny Papers that many of the Mujahedin took bayats to an amir, just as Bin Laden’s followers do today to him; there was even a group of suicide ghazis from Gwalior who had vowed never to eat again and to fight until they met death for those who have come to die have no need for food. Though I dwell on contemporary echoes only in the last two pages of the book, the parallels speak for themselves.

 

I have sent Professor Habib a copy of my book, and if he ever finds the time to read it, and gets from it even a fraction of the enjoyment that I have received from his remarkable body of work, I will be more than satisfied."

  

William Dalrymple

 

 



[1] Goswami literally means Lord of the senses ( Go : senses , Swami : Lord) in Sanskrit. All Vaishnav religious teachers of Bengal have this honorific added to their monastic name. In Bengali, this is called Goswain as well.

[2] Dr. Irfan Habin in The Outlook

[3] This is the frontage of temples in India where religious and secular discussions used to take place. It was also a place of socialisation and can be English equivalent of  country ‘pub’. Many Bengali novels of late eighteenth century provide various functionalities and descriptions of the chandi-mantap of rural Bengal. In cities of Bengal, this culture has given rise to the concept called ‘adda’ which survives still today although undergoing many changes in form and functionality. In its highest level, chandimantap functioned as a debating society, social conscience, guest lecturing venue, trial-by-media and watchdog on community issues. In its degraded form, it became the last social resort of old and emaciated, gossip-mongering, impotent slandering ground and protector of all prejudices and taboos in the name of culture and tradition.

[4] Promothinath Bishi on Bengali – Outline of French Literature

[6] Strathclyde Business School, Glasgow as a Chevening Scholar

[7]  This is reproduced from The Guardian Unlimited, written by William Darlymple, after obtaining written persmission from Mr. Dalrymple. The permission from The Guardian is sought but any intimation is yet to be received. The actual essay as published in The Guardian Unlimited  can be seen here at http://www.guardian.co.uk/weekend/story/0,3605,1141492,00.html

February 7, 2004.